Albania

Author's Note

From both a historical and a militaria collecting perspective, Albania is a challenging country to deal with. Several factors make it difficult to acquire concrete and accurately verifiable information, and to acquire actual physical examples of cold war Albanian paraphernalia, military or otherwise.

Firstly: The Communist period is not looked upon fondly by a greater majority of Albanians. The atmosphere of paranoia and oppression and the subsequent years of poverty and chaos have not left positive impressions on the Albanian populace. Those who remember the era generally have nothing except scorn and fury toward the former regime, while the youth, who do not remember the period directly, still see its effects (and it must be said, the effects of modern corruption and post-industrial enervation and decay that the incumbent liberal government likes to blame on the long-gone communists) and have grown up on horror stories told by their elders. Those who do speak fondly of the era are a tiny minority, and tend to swing too far the other way, speaking glowingly of the era without acknowledging its many very real and disastrous failings.

In short, getting information without personal or political bias from someone who might know something important about the period is very difficult, and many Albanians - both at home and abroad - will take being pressed about the communist era as a bitter and insensitive insult.

Secondly, the paranoid and isolationist nature of communist Albania means that documents were often classified so highly and redacted so intensely that they were virtually inaccessible to anyone except the highest echelons of Albanian political society. The aforementioned upper echelons were not especially interested in our current topic, the minutiae of Albanian army uniforms and equipment. It's therefore very difficult to discern things like accurate designations for uniforms, and what names and numbers we have for Albanian army uniforms are often word of mouth from former servicemen.

Third, during the 1990s, Albanian military and political archives were ransacked multiple times. Of all the countries in Europe where communism fell, Albania's transition was by some margin the most painful. Albania's economy, only ever frail at best, was by 1991 largely incapable of meeting even the basic needs of the population. It would collapse spectacularly in the mid-1990s after the already difficult transition to capitalism was thrown into chaos by the total collapse of the state's financial system after a series of massive pyramid schemes imploded. With many Albanians, to whom capitalism was an utterly alien and beguiling concept, having invested literally everything they owned in these pyramid schemes, the majority of the country found themselves totally penniless overnight. Furious protests erupted as the population demanded the government pay them back. However, the government, which had also invested in these pyramid schemes, had literally no money with which to do so. The discontent and protests soon turned to rioting, and several armouries, barracks and police stations were stormed, and equipment and documents made off with. 

Somewhere in this chaos, reams and reams of communist era documents were destroyed or stolen (and presumably discarded when the thieves realised they were of no use or value). Therefore, records from communist Albania often simply don't exist. 

What little information about the country is available is often from foreign intelligence sources, and needs to be considered critically and cross-referenced for accuracy. Of course, even if documents from Albania were available, there is no guarantee that they would be even remotely accurate, due to obsessive state censorship and propagandising. 

And finally, and this mostly pertains to the collecting of physical artefacts: modern Albania is part of NATO, and seeks accession to the EU. As terms for joining these bodies, significant demands were made that it collect up and dispose of dangerous, unsecured or ill-maintained cold war era equipment. During the anarchy of the 1990s, Albania's armouries were ransacked and huge quantities of weapons and ammunition made their way onto the black market, flooding the Balkans and eastern Europe with untraceable weaponry. The EU, rightly seeking to curtail that situation and prevent it from happening again, demanded the aforementioned destruction and securing of equipment. 

Generally speaking, cold war Albanian militaria is extremely scarce and challenging to acquire. That which was not destroyed is generally only sold intermittently, and usually by private sellers who are well aware of the value of these items as tourist novelties, and correspondingly, charge a notably high price compared to other militaria of the era. This is further compounded by the fact that few of these sellers maintain an online presence, and where they do, they charge further premiums.

All of the above mean that gathering concrete information on this topic is difficult. So, the author will endeavour to provide as accurate information as possible, but must provide the disclaimer that much of what is written is impossible to authoritatively verify. The author welcomes corrections, and apologises in advance for any errors.

Introduction

Albania is a small country in the Balkans, on the eastern side of the Adriatic. It lies between Greece to the south, and the former Yugoslav states to the north and east, and has a fascinating, convoluted, and sadly all-too-bitter history. This article's focus relates to the Cold War, an era which for enigmatic Albania was perhaps one of its darkest, most bizarre, tragic, and interesting periods.

This article will explore, in as much depth as possible, the equipment and uniforms of Albania's army and adjacent military forces. This is no easy task, as, even today, information on Albania in general, and its military in particular, is difficult to come by, and often contradictory and confusing. This is especially true for information pertaining to Albania's communist period, for reasons explained below.

Background

Not to diminish Albania's long, and rich history, we begin in 1944, when Albania liberated itself from occupation by the Nazis. With the country freed, the Communist leader of the Albanian partisan movement - the Lëvizja Antifashiste Nacional-Çlirimtare (LANÇ) - translated as 'Antifascist National Liberation Front' - Enver Hoxha, took control of the country and immediately began reshaping it in a Stalinist image.

Albania in the Cold War was utterly dominated by Hoxha for a little over 40 years. He cultivated an extreme cult of personality, and his own personal paranoia, obsession with Marxist ideological purity and national security, and distrust and disapproval of the wider world in general, would shape the five decades of Albania's communist era.

Albania would in turn be allies with, and then bitter enemies of: Yugoslavia (for reasons that are not wholly clear, but may have something to do with a drive by Tito - under advice from Stalin - to simply absorb the then backward and undeveloped country of Albania into Yugoslavia, as well as Hoxha's own personal opinion that Titoist Yugoslavia looked down on Albania), the Soviet Union (over ideological differences; specifically Khruschev's process of de-stalinization in the mid-late 1950s) and finally, the People's Republic of China (this split is often explained away as 'Mighty China' becoming bored with the tiny but petulant and erratic Albania, but in truth, was more of a mutual break, with China becoming frustrated that its efforts to establish a political foothold in Europe via Albania were amounting to little, and Albania -or more specifically its leader- coming to realise that China did not see Albania as an equal, or even a valued and respected ally, but simply as an asset to exert leverage on the Soviet Union).

Throughout this period, Albania's military would be shaped primarily by the Soviets and Chinese. The two countries would, through the 1950s and 1960s-70s respectively, deliver vast quantities of military and civil equipment and expertise, as well as generous loans and extremely favourable trade agreements.

After breaking with the Chinese in the mid 1970s, Hoxha, in a fit of ideological zeal and believing his country now truly stood alone, decided Albania was the last true bastion of Stalinist Marxist thought, and that it would have to make its own way in the world. The tiny country would become Europe's very own hermit kingdom for the next decade and a half, and would forever after be compared to North Korea by unscrupulous YouTubers chasing clicks.

Throughout this latter period, Hoxha would make it constitutionally illegal for Albania to accept foreign aid or investment, and would seek a policy of total self-reliance. This would, of course, end disastrously. A country roughly the size of Wales, with a population in 1989 of 3.4 million, with limited natural resources, and a tiny, faltering industrial base, could never hope to truly become completely independent of foreign commerce and engagement. By the time Albanian communism collapsed in 1991, it would be a country in the depths of penury. One of the fifteen poorest countries in the world, it was also, bizarrely, one of the only countries in the world with zero foreign debt. Communist Albania remains a fascinating study from an economic perspective, a unique case of a country utterly outside of the prevailing economic consensus, into which even the least capitalist friendly nations were otherwise integrated.

Through all these various 'eras' of Cold War Albania's history ran one common thread: its military expenditure was proportionally even higher than any of its neighbours. Although Albania would make unmistakable leaps in economic, cultural and social terms, during the communist era, the Army took precedence, to the general detriment of the civilian economy.

Even then, though, the way the money was spent on the armed forces was generally misguided. This is best exemplified in the nation's vast over-expenditure in fortifications from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. Almost 750,000 bunkers of varying sizes were built across Albania, and the few generals who dared criticise this program of 'Bunkerizmit' [Bunkerisation] would spark Hoxha to conduct a bitter and bloody purge in 1974. It is estimated that about 2% of overall GDP - per year - was spent building the bunkers, and that was drawn mostly from the military budget. Ultimately, Albania's armed forces would be left to stagnate with 1950s-60s equipment until the end of the Cold war.

Enver Hoxha suffered a heart attack in 1973, and would never really recover from it, only becoming more paranoid in the years after. He largely retired from public life in 1982, after a series of health problems, and died in one of Tirana's hospitals in 1985. Seven days of mourning were declared, with flags flown at half mast, and entertainment events cancelled. 

Overview of the Albanian Armed Forces

During the cold war, Albania maintained a fairly large standing army for a country of its size and population. The UPSh or Ushtria Popullore Shqiperia [People's Army of Albania] was the nation's main land-based military element, as well as the overarching authority for all other official, armed groups in Albania. It was formally established in 1946, and was dissolved in 1991, along with the communist government and all its apparati. The UPSh had its origins in Hoxha's partisan movement and like the Yugoslav army to Albania's north, which also developed from a partisan movement, the UPSh heavily incorporated its predecessor force's experiences and successes in the second world war into its tactical and cultural philosophy.

The UPSh had around 35-40,000 active duty personnel at its height, and it was estimated that about 350,000 Albanian men were capable of service if an enforced draft were ever invoked. Despite significant manpower, the army was equipment poor. At its best-equipped, it could never call on more than about 150 armoured vehicles. Battle tanks, mostly the Chinese Type 59, were organised into a single tank brigade. About 75% of the army, and almost all militia and reserves were trained as foot infantry. Even by the 1990s, the greater majority of the UPSh were not mechanised in any capacity. In the 1980s, the UPSh had 3 artillery regiments, as well as six battalions of coastal artillery.

Until about 1970, the Albanian army could more or less hold equipment parity with some of the less well equipped Warsaw Pact nations. The average soldier was armed with some variant of the SKS rifle, either a Soviet or Chinese (Type 56) model, or, after about 1962, an Albanian made 'July 10th' version. Albania did not begin local production of weaponry until about 1961, when weapons factories were established at the localities of Gramsh, Poliçan, and Plasëse, although ammunition had been produced in other small plants prior to this date. Their uniforms in this period were also roughly comparable to those of many neighbouring countries. The highest tech equipment fielded by the Albanians were 1960s-era Soviet first generation SAMs, and MiG 17/19 (and their Chinese equivalent) jet fighters. Their technology level more or less stagnated at this point, and with much of the military's budget blown on Hoxha's obsessive Bunkerizmit program, there was little money to buy sorely needed, more up-to-date equipment, or to update or even maintain current gear.

The Albanian navy was more of a coast guard force, and possessed only a few Soviet- and Chinese-built patrol boats. Notably, however, a small submarine force (using Soviet diesel submarines) operated from Sazan Island, off the mainland Albanian coast. Naval forces numbered around 2,000 men, and from 1960 onward, operated from the 'Pasha Liman' naval base, after it was abandoned by the Soviets.

The Albanian air force was founded in 1952, and consisted of around 11,000 personnel. The Albanians initially used Soviet MiG jets, but, in the 1970s, would switch to Chinese-made variants of those planes. Unfortunately, maintenance of craft and facilities, and training of crew were poor and limited by a lack of resources. During the Cold War, the Albanian air force would suffer 35 fatalities, mostly as a result of crashes. A lot, for such a small country. The Albanians made jet fuel locally, but its quality was poor, and damaged the already temperamental jet engines of their aircraft. The air force also possessed about 30 Chinese Harbin Z-5 (Soviet Mi4 'Hound') transport helicopters.

By the 1990s, the Albanian army was hopelessly under-equipped. Even the equipment that was available was significantly outdated, often in poor condition, and in the case of much of the nation's heavy weaponry, bereft of ammunition, fuel or spare parts. Most of Albania's tank fleet, navy and air force would be left to rust or be predated upon by scavengers looking for scrap to sell during the 1990s. Air force jets still rust away in mountain bunkers even to this day.

As well as the standing army, air force and navy, Albania also had several strata of militia formations. Chief among these were the FVP  - Forcat Vullnetare të Vetë-Mbrojtjes Popullore [People's Voluntary Self Defence Forces] - often simply known as FV, or Forcat Vullnetare, as often denoted by a tag on the chest of some of their uniforms. This formation was a voluntary militia, and had - at its height in 1985 - almost 250,000 personnel. It was often derisively known as  “ushtria e vajzës” [the girl army] by the main army, as roughly 65–70% of FVP volunteers were women, a point of much celebration for the Albanian government, who were always eager to tout their egalitarian, socialist credentials via the very public parades of emancipated women serving in the armed forces. The FVP were a uniformed militia, and in times of war would likely have assisted the army on the front lines, and would also have run ancillary duties.

In addition to the FVP, there were the various local militias. These were generally organised as little more than a weapons lock-up in each village, neighbourhood, factory or collective, overseen by a loyal party member who would in times of crisis oversee the distribution of weapons from the armoury. Albania had a long history of its population being incredibly well armed, and incredibly reticent to give up their weapons, and this was perhaps the most intelligent choice that Hoxha's government could have made to strike a balance between not having armed bandits everywhere, and still keeping the population content that they hadn't been totally de-fanged. If a time of war were to have come, it is no exaggeration to say that virtually the entirety of the Albanian population could have been armed to some degree.

Finally, beyond the scope of 'proper' militia, were a number of ancillary youth groups which were considered militia-adjacent formations, and were fully expected to fight in times of war. These were primarily the BRPSh, Bashkimi i Rinisë së Punës së Shqipërisë [Labour Youth Movement of Albania] and the RSHA, Rininë e Shkollës së Armatosur [Armed School Youth], a sort of cadet force that was integrated into the Albanian school system. Neither of these were generally uniformed, but they were a part of the Albanian military system, and the RSHA in particular were directly overseen by the UPSh.

Arms, Vehicles and Equipment of the Albanian Armed Forces

Small Arms

As previously stated, Albania largely relied on dated Soviet or Chinese equipment and arms. Local arms production only began in the early 1960s, and even then only at a low level. The most common weapon produced was an Albanian copy of the Chinese Type 56 Carbine (itself a copy of the Soviet SKS). Exact Albanian designation is unknown, but they are colloquially referred to as 'July 10th Rifles' among the few modern collectors who own one. These were made in indiscernible numbers between 1962 and 1978. A few thousand were sold in America as surplus in the 2000s, but the majority have been destroyed.

Along with this local variant, the SKS (in all its forms) would remain the UPSh's primary weapon throughout the Cold war. It would only partially be supplanted by the more modern AK pattern rifles, which Albania received from both the Soviet Union and China. As well as Soviet and Chinese Ak’s, from 1978, the Albanians would produce their own copy of the Type 56 Rifle as the ASh-78 Tip-1 (Automatiku Shqiptare 78 Tip-1, [Albanian Automatic (rifle) 78, Type 1]). These were produced in small numbers, but included several variants, including the folding stocked - analogous to the Soviet AKS - ASh-82,  a light machine gun variant, the ASh-78 Tip-2, and a variant equipped with an extended barrel and muzzle device for launching rifle grenades (which could also mount a PSO-type optic) known as the ASh-78 Tip-3.  The Chinese Type 56 AKs seem to have been the most prolific type of assault rifle in use, based on images.

Initially, the Albanian army had used a miscellany of WW2-era Italian and German leave-behinds, as well as a small number of surplus weapons given by the Yugoslavians before the two countries fell out in 1949. Predominant among these were German Kar. 98k Mausers, and Italian Carcano rifles and carbines and Breda machine guns. Small quantities of Mannlicher-Schonauer rifles, which had been the rifle of choice for the pre-war Albanian army, also saw use. Submachine guns included Beretta designs, MP40s, and a few Stens, given by the Yugoslavians. Various Breda machine guns, MG34 and 42 GPMGs, and pre-war Czech ZB vz 26 and 30 machine guns rounded off the infantry inventory. This muddled inventory was rapidly replaced by the influx of Soviet weaponry in the early 1950s. As far as pictorial evidence from the period shows, no Soviet-made equipment made its way to Albania during or immediately after WW2.

From about 1949, though, after Albania had broken with Yugoslavia, the Soviets provided numerous small arms, allowing Albania to standardise on Soviet calibres and weapons. Tokarev TT-30 and TT-33 pistols and PPS-43 and PPSh-41 submachine guns in 7.62x25mm Tokarev, SKS and AK 47 rifles in 7.62x39mm M43, Mosin-Nagant 91/30 rifles and M38 and M44 carbines, and DP, DPM, RP-46 and SG-43 machine guns in 7.62x54mmR, as well as DShK heavy 12.7x108mm machine guns were acquired. As they became available in the 1950s, RPG-2 grenade launchers and B-10 recoilless rifles were also imported in some quantities. A whole variety of man-portable and towed mortars were also provided. These were mostly from WW2 stocks, primarily the 82-BM-37 and 82-PM-41 in 82mm, and the heavier 120 mm PM-38.

In the 1960s and 70s, the Albanians would be provided with Chinese equivalents of most of the above equipment. Chinese Type 56 'family' weapons (AK and SKS rifles, RPD machine guns, and RPG-2 type grenade launchers) were imported in vast quantities, along with Chinese Type 53 Mosin carbines (often known to Albanians as 'red rifles' for their red shellac-covered stocks) and Type 51 and 54 submachine guns. These would serve alongside their older soviet brethren until the end of the cold war.

Vehicles and Heavy Weaponry

Some Italian tanks, tankettes and field guns were presented at parades in the late 1940s, holdovers from WW2. Later, Soviet heavier weapons were also imported, including Soviet BA 64 armoured cars, excellent (for the time) T34/85 medium tanks, SU-76M light self propelled guns and SU-100 tank destroyers, as well as ML-20, D-1, D-20 and M-46 artillery pieces. BM-13-5, BM-14, and RPU-14 multiple rocket launchers were also obtained in small numbers. 

Albania also received a number of surplus Soviet prime movers, including several Lend-Lease Studebaker trucks. The Soviets had 'written off' these trucks (among others) as 'lost' during the war, after discovering that the Americans were scrapping returned lend-lease trucks to avoid destabilising the domestic truck market and impacting truck manufacturer profits.

The Chinese sent quantities of tanks (Type 59 medium and Type 62 light), APCs (Type 63), trucks (notably the Jiefang CA-10 and CA-30 types, which were also used by civilians, alongside Czechoslovakian Skoda Liaz trucks), mortars and field guns, and MLRSs (particularly the Type 63). The gauges and instruments on the Chinese equipment were very seldom translated, leading to training issues for the Albanian army (Chinese-Albanian cooperation in general was difficult, as no-one in Albania spoke Chinese, and the Chinese technical and military advisors who travelled there did not speak Albanian. In Albanian factories under Chinese assistance for example, workers had to speak through a complicated multi-step Albanian-Russian-Chinese-Chinese-Russian-Albanian translation system, as Russian was the only language both parties could translate to.)

Aircraft

When it was founded in 1952, the Albanian air force would initially be provided with Yakovlev Yak-9 piston-engined fighter aircraft, but would also shortly thereafter receive the superb MiG-15 and MiG-17 jet fighters (and their trainer variants) before the break of relations with the Soviets in 1961. Lisunov Li-2 and Ilyushin IL-14 transport aircraft were also acquired in small numbers, as was a single IL-28 bomber. As far as can be told, this bomber spent the majority of its life grounded, and saw little if any use. China provided aircraft in the form of Shenyang F-5 and F-6 jets, some of which were traded for older Soviet models. 

Munitions

Local production of ammunition was undertaken at the Gramsh and Polican factories, although it was considered to be of low quality. Despite the vast quantities of weapons in Albania (exact estimates were never made, since so many weapons were looted in the 1990s, but some estimates posit that there may have been almost enough weapons of various types to arm every adult in Albania.), ammunition was always in short supply. Target practice was carried out for the infantry and militia with regularity, and even schools were allotted ammunition for training, but many military manoeuvres were undertaken with empty magazines, particularly when the propaganda cameras weren't rolling. Heavier ordinance was particularly limited, so artillery and tank training, as well as air-force gunnery practice were carried out with limited opportunities for live fire. Video footage exists of Albanian MiGs practising strafing with only one or two shots from their autocannon.

Uniforms and Personal Equipment of the UPSh, 1946-1991

The UPSh, as far as can be discerned from available information, used two main uniforms during its active life. The first has been tentatively identified as the 'M43/58', although extremely similar uniforms can be seen being worn long prior to 1958, so perhaps the second number suggests a modification or simplification implemented in that year. The M43 part is also misleading, as the UPSh firstly did not exist in 1943, and secondly the Albanian partisans, the closest the country had to an army at that point, never had any standard uniform at all. However, it may hint at the uniform's inspiration: the Soviet M43 uniform. The Albanian M43 was worn during the period of Soviet cooperation, and is very clearly informed by Soviet aesthetic choices. Additionally, in some sources, the terms 'M.45', 'M.47', 'M.52' also exist, in relation to service caps, although whether these terms apply solely to headgear, or to uniforms more widely, is unknown.

The M43/58 consists of a gymnastyorka-style tunic with three buttons, and shoulder boards for rank insignia. It is worn variously with either harovari-style breeches, wide in the thigh and tight to the lower legs, or tapered-leg trousers with two-button cuffs at the ankle. The former were worn with either Soviet-style Kirza jackboots or leather ankle boots, while the latter trousers were mostly seen worn with the ankle boots. Officers wore Soviet style chrome leather boots, and seemed to universally wear the harovari-style breeches. Headgear consisted of a pilotka-style garrison cap with an enamelled red star on the brow for enlisted personnel, and a Second World War Soviet-style service cap for officers.

From the colour pictures available of this uniform, it appears to be in a dull, dark olive green colour, sometimes almost brown (the darker brown-ish shade being particularly common for officer’s uniforms). Unfortunately, the photos do not give any hints as to the material this uniform is made of. The author has never seen any modern pictures of this uniform, nor had the chance to examine a real example in-person, so the material that this uniform is made of can only be speculated upon. Likewise for its origin. It is unclear if the uniform was made in the Soviet union and supplied to Albania as military aid, or whether it was manufactured locally. Albania had, during this period, begun a program of aggressive industrialisation in the field of fabric and clothing manufacture. It may even have been a mix of both imported material to shore up stocks until full scale production could begin. We can only speculate until an original example can be located and evaluated. 

According to anecdotal sources, these uniforms were mostly destroyed by the Albanian army when the newer uniform came in in the early 1960s. Presumably this was a way of demonstratively breaking with Soviet tradition (and perhaps so as not to upset their new Chinese allies, who were not on good terms with the Soviet Union by this point). This could explain the extreme difficulty in obtaining early Albanian uniforms.

The second uniform used by the UPSh appeared about the time cooperation with the Chinese began. We believe this uniform entered service as the M.61, but was updated to conform with Chinese practice on rank (that is to say, not to have any at all) in 1966, becoming the M.66. There are many pictures of it in use. It seems to have lasted until the fall of communism (and in rebadged form, into the 2000s in limited numbers) 

We know from examples in collector hands, as well as more modern, high resolution photographs, that it existed in two varieties, a wool that is similar in colour to the M43/58 uniform, (ie, a dark olive green drab) and a lighter weight cotton uniform that comes in varying shades from dull olive green to a rather lurid near grass-green colour.

It is a simple two piece uniform of tunic and trousers. The tunic is a shirt style rather than the older gymnastyorka style, with six plain, brown, slightly convex plastic buttons (not dissimilar to those found on the Chinese Type 65 uniform) and two chest pockets with exposed buttons. There are shoulder epaulettes, but these appear largely superfluous since no rank sliders or shoulder boards were ever attached to them. From the pictures available to be seen online, they do not appear to have been used to secure webbing straps, either. A white collar liner was worn with the tunic (a Soviet holdover) and generally, it seems a white vest top was worn under the tunic. The only insignia worn on the tunic was a pair of rhomboidal red patches on the 'corners' of the fall collar.

The trousers are somewhat more contentious. Pictures exist of both straight-leg and tapered-leg trousers being worn, and it is unclear whether both types were worn concurrently or at different times. The choice of footwear does vary depending on trouser style, though. The tapered leg trousers (with the twin button cuff as per the M43/58 trousers) were worn with the old ankle boots, while the straighter leg trousers were worn with 'ranger-style' boots, with twin buckles on the side of the shank. The trousers were tucked into these boots. All footwear, as far as can be told from photos, appears to have been black leather, and unusually, some seem to have smooth, treadless soles.

Contrary to some online claims, it does not seem the UPSh ever used any elements of the Chinese Type 65 uniform. By the time the Type 65 was introduced, Albania's clothing industry was fairly mature, and it was likely the country could meet its military uniform needs independently without having to resort to foreign uniform imports.

In terms of headgear for this later uniform, two types appear, with one predominating. Earlier pictures of the uniform show a pilotka-style cap in use, though these are significantly less common than images showing the use of a sort of semi-rigid kepi cap with a plastic peak and (apparently largely decorative) ear flaps. The latter headgear is overwhelmingly more common in period pictures, and is one of the more common and available articles of militaria that one can acquire.

For officers, the later uniform was worn with a distinctive locally made cap, which incorporates elements of both the older Soviet service caps, and the softer Chinese 'Mao' cap.

For winter use, a Soviet-style ushanka cap was worn, along with a large, heavy wool greatcoat, very similar in style to WW2 Soviet ones. These coats and ushankas were worn with both the early and late type of uniforms. That said, there do appear to be early and late versions of the greatcoat. Early versions have a more closed collar, and lack insignia at all, while the later type, seen predominantly with the M.61 uniform, has a larger, more open collar, and red collar patches, from 1966 onward. 

The UPSh never issued camouflaged service uniforms, but it did heavily make use of Soviet-style masking suits, worn over the top of field dress. These exist in two patterns, generally, both based on WW2-era Soviet camouflage patterns. Both types appear to have been used concurrently, and were primarily used by the Albanian border troops.

Later, Chinese style 'pine needle' camouflage jackets were also used. These were a ghillie-like over jacket, made of a cotton 'net' like body, festooned with foliage. In general, Albanian troops and militia both made heavy use of improvised foliage camouflage. This was particularly true in the period of Chinese-Albanian cooperation, when the Albanian army began to focus particularly heavily on training in guerrilla warfare.

In terms of helmets, the Albanian army is primarily seen using the Chinese-made GK80. Surprisingly, these were developed and manufactured for the Albanians many years before they were adopted by China (who only realised the need for helmets after suffering many head wound casualties in their disastrous attempted invasion of Vietnam in 1979). 

However, the Albanian army also used left-behind Italian Elmetto Mod. 33s and, from the 1950s onward, the Soviet SSh-40. The Mod.33 helmets would largely fall out of use by the middle of the 1950s, and the SSh would likewise be largely supplanted by the GK80s by the mid-1970s. Not all Albanian soldiers were issued helmets, however, with most relying on soft head coverings. Most of the helmets in use are seen during training, drills, and parades. Soldiers on guard duty generally wore soft head coverings instead.

In terms of webbing, until the late 1960s, most soldiers used Soviet-style webbing. A locally made, shoulder bag pouch with capacity for five magazines was used for troops armed with AK type rifles. One or two belt-mounted leather pouches for stripper clips were used by soldiers with SKS rifles. Those soldiers armed with machine guns (typically either the DP/DPM or RPD types), would carry extra ammunition in the corresponding magazine pouches. Pictures do not generally show Albanian troops as having particularly heavy belt loads. Canteens and entrenching tools are notably absent in many pictures. Chinese Type 65 canteens do start to appear in images from the 1970s, however, and Albania would later make plastic versions of these canteens for itself.

In the early 1970s, Chinese-made chest rigs for both the AK and SKS rifles begin to appear, although they did not supplant the older belt style webbing until well into the 1980s. Toward the end of that decade, Albania would begin to produce its own chest rigs: these are identifiable by the thinner, softer cotton material used, and the slightly more vibrant green colour, as well as the generally low overall quality. 

Gas masks, though far from universally carried, were of the Soviet ‘Hood’ type. Initially, ShM 41 masks were used, as part of the Rsh-12 kit, including EO-14 filter, hose, facepiece, and ancillary consumables. These were carried in locally-made cotton haversacks. Later, Chinese gas masks were introduced. Notably, the Chinese supplied a large quantity of the poorly designed Type 65 cheek filter type masks. However, many of the better Type 64 masks were also acquired. In general, far more pictures exist of Albanian soldiers without gas masks than with. Whether they simply weren’t carried as a matter of course, or whether there weren’t enough to properly supply the army, is unclear. However, the fact that the Albanian army possessed a large stockpile of its own chemical weaponry suggests they were at least familiar with the threat of such weapons. The troops most commonly seen wearing gas masks are those operating rocket launchers and SAMs, likely as a precaution against the toxic propellants used in the projectiles. 

The Forcat Vullnetare të Vetë-Mbrojtjes Popullore, Albania's Main Militia Force

Along with the UPSh, Albania's main armed formation was the FVP, or Forcat Vullnetare të Vetë-Mbrojtjes Popullore [People's Voluntary self defence forces]. This was a large (up to 250,000 members at its height) uniformed militia, and would have played a large part in any war that Albania might have found itself involved in. 

The FVP's duties were generally focused on operating static weapons, including artillery and low-level anti air defences. They were, however, trained for, and fully expected to be involved in, front line combat, at least in defensive operations. They were similarly armed to the UPSh (although often in receipt of older equipment, such as PPS submachine guns and Mosin-Nagant carbines), and were expected to be able to fill similar duties on the battlefield. In general, the distinction between the duties and expectations of the UPSh and the FVP is very slim. 

The FVP used the same uniforms as the UPSh for most of the cold war, but possessed their own uniform (of unknown designation) during the 1980s-1990s. It was a similar colour to the later type UPSh cotton uniform, but differed in cut, with a short jacket rather than the army's tunic. It was also differentiated by the inclusion of the letters 'FV' above the right breast pocket, and by the fact that the trousers were worn untucked over the top of the boots, possessing a button closure at the cuff, and no stirrup, as on the M.61 uniform. 

In other regards, the FVP were similarly attired and equipped to the UPSh regulars. They wore the kepi style cap or, very occasionally, one of the variety of steel helmets available, and used the same webbing equipment for field and training duties. The older pilotka style side cap also appears in use in the later half of the 1960s, periodically, and presumably stayed in service longer with the FVP than the UPSh.

In many pictures of training and manoeuvres undertaken by the FVP, they wear the M.61/66 uniform. It is unknown whether this means that the aforementioned FVP specific uniform was specifically for parades (where it is most commonly seen) as a dress or service uniform, or whether both uniforms were used for all duties concurrently. The older M.66 uniform appears in older parade footage. It seems unlikely that, by the 1980s, impoverished Albania could afford to issue second rate personnel like the FVP with multiple types of uniforms for different occasions. 

The FVP in general were noted for their laxness with their uniforms. Outside of parades and propaganda shoots, FVP members often look extremely bedraggled. There do not appear to have been strict directives on hairstyles, and presumably so long as they didn't interfere with duties, anything went. Likewise, it's common to see FVP members wearing civilian shirts and sweaters under their tunics. They also tend to have some very strange ideas on how to wear their kepis, perching them at jaunty and precarious angles on their heads. In a few pictures from late in the communist era, FVP members can be seen wearing rather large earrings or necklaces.

Likewise, the standard of footwear varies immensely. Officially, the FVP appears to have been issued the same boots as the army, either in the form of the older ankle boots, or later, the 'ranger' style boots. However, outside of the parade ground and propaganda reels, the wearing of these types of boots does not seem to have been enforced. Several pictures exist showing members of the FVP wearing civilian footwear of various kinds.

In some instances, such as during drills, FVP members would be dressed almost entirely in civilian clothes, donning only their kepis and perhaps webbing. Webbing, when carried, was similar to that of the UPSh, albeit even more stripped down: often just a pouch for SKS clips worn on the belt. Later, chest rigs came into use, although they were seldom fully loaded.

Note on Clothing in General

Before moving onto the non-uniformed militia and youth-paramilitary forces in Albania, it is worth a brief digression to the topic of clothing in Albania in general. Neither of these two groups wore designated uniforms, and simply used their civilian clothing. 

As previously stated, Albania developed its clothing and textile industries heavily throughout the communist period. The nation had a long tradition of fabric working, being well known for woollen wear and carpet weaving even before the rise of Hoxha's communist regime, but the industrialisation of textile work only began with Soviet assistance in the early 1950s. Albania had at least two large textile factories, the J. V. Stalin plant, and the Mao Ce Dun [the Albanian transliteration of Mao Tse Tung] factory in Berat. Both of these were large and contemporary facilities, and, along with other textile factories and clothing manufacturers, appear to have been more or less able to meet national demand. 

Some online sources posit that Albanian clothing was subject to enforced drabness and uniformity, but from both pictures and video footage from the era, we know this not to be the case. While fashion in the country was dated and did not conform to either western or eastern bloc trends, it was certainly not the monastic blandness that the aforementioned sources declare. That said, some articles of clothing and styles of dress were frowned upon. 

Men's clothing tended towards simplicity and utilitarianism. Typically, white shirts and drab coloured trousers were worn, along with smart leather shoes. Men did not wear shorts, although male children did. In colder weather, plain suit jackets and or knitted jumpers, slipovers or cardigans could be seen. These were likely hand knitted, either at small state enterprises, or by the wearer's family. Hats were seldom seen in the cities, but in rural areas, some, particularly older men, might wear traditional Qeleshe or Plis hats. 

Women's clothing was significantly more varied and colourful. The only seeming requirement for women's clothing was that leg wear reached to the knees or lower. Beyond this, there seems to have been no restrictions on colour, tailoring or cut. Women could wear dresses, skirts or trousers with tops, and those tops might be long or short sleeved, or even sleeveless. Again, in colder weather, various knitted tops were common. Collar lines tended to be modest. 

Officially, under the communist regime's drive to stamp out religious practice, traditional head coverings, both Christian and Muslim were banned, although some women - especially in rural areas - wore simple kerchiefs for practicality. Patterned and brightly coloured fabrics, as well as textiles like corduroy, were sometimes worn. Crocheting and knitting clothes for oneself and one's family seem to have been quite common. One can only assume mothers didn't charge for their knitting services, lest they fall foul of the regime's legislation against private enterprise! 

Footwear varied as much as the general clothing, but from pictures seems to have been 'sensible' for both genders. Men favoured simple leather shoes, women generally being seen in shoes that were flat, or with low heels. Sneakers and other sports footwear seem to have been restricted to use by sport teams, and do not appear as 'fashion' clothing. One of the most common choices of footwear, from the 1970s on, especially for younger women, were locally made, slipper-like plastic sandals. These were often garishly coloured (yellow and turquoise being common), had 'x' shaped straps, and were made at one of Albania's few plastic factories (along with things like plastic crockery, and canteens for the army) Members of the BRPSh shown working on infrastructure projects across Albania are often shown wearing these slippers, or else working barefoot, probably to avoid damaging more valuable shoes, which would have been difficult and expensive to replace. 

All of the above items of clothing are often seen worn by Albanian militia members outside the FVP, and who, as mentioned previously, were not provided with any specific identifying insignia or attire. 

For that reason, images and footage of the militia forces can be extremely hard to discern. One of the few notable examples are members of the BRPSh, who will generally be depicted wearing their distinctive neckerchiefs. These were emblazoned with patriotic slogans, and the organisation's insignia: the pickaxe and rifle. These could be worn around the neck or, in the case of many female members, as a bandana or kerchief. 

RSHA members were likewise typically dressed in civilian clothing. Only children up to about age 8 wore school uniforms in Albania, and, after this, they wore normal clothing, sometimes with the exception of a red neckerchief. On the other hand, RSHA members attending state parades were sometimes provided with a variant of the uniform used by the UPSh, except with the letters 'RSHA' on the chest. 

Village and Urban Militia: the Last Line of Defence

While the FVP was a large, and - by comparative standards - well equipped organisation, the Albanian local militias were not so. Albania, even in Hoxhaist times, was not particularly urbanised, with large proportions of the population living in the countryside. Albania's terrain is extremely varied for such a small country, and stretches from Mediterranean coast in the west, to temperate and often swampy central regions, to semi-arid plateaus in the south, and to craggy and difficult highlands and mountains in the east and northeast. These different areas all needed defending, and as large as the UPSh and FVP were, they would have struggled to comprehensively cover the whole country, down to the village level. 

Therefore, local militia were widely implemented. These were non-uniformed, part time, and voluntary formations, although take-up was generally quite high, and at times, possibly coerced. Unlike the FVP, who undertook regular drill, training and manoeuvres, generally, the local militias only undertook intermittent target practice and civil defence drills. The latter being held, supposedly, every two weeks and undertaken with weapons, but no ammunition. Anecdotal stories from militia members describe that these drills largely involved practicing running into and sheltering in Albania's ubiquitous bunkers. This would likely have been one of their primary duties, as the UPSh and FVP would have been occupied with frontline operations and operating heavier equipment, manning the small bunkers would likely have fallen to local militia forces. 

It wasn’t, however, just rural areas where militia were implemented. Almost every factory, neighbourhood, agricultural or industrial collective and combine had a militia unit on site. These were deployed to defend their homes and places of work. In times of war, Albania would truly have been a difficult place to attack, and it seems every rooftop, window, and hillside would have bristled with guns. 

It is unclear if the militia had an age range. Images show everyone, men and women alike, from teenagers to grizzled elderly veterans, taking up arms. Presumably, even for a nation as obsessed with self-defence as communist Albania, arming young children was a step too far, although children apparently assisted border guards, alongside their adult comrades, as scouts, trackers and guides, and among other things, were trained to help install traps and clean and maintain the bunkers. While the army and FVP could have been deployed anywhere in the country, in typical militia fashion, these local forces would have remained tied to their specific locality. In rural areas, this meant the militia were extremely familiar with their home terrain. 

As noted, the militia had no designated uniforms, and their weaponry was not especially standardised, either. In general, they received older, second rate equipment. Earlier pictures show militia members armed with WW2-vintage Mauser Kar. 98k rifles, although for much of the Cold War period they seem to have been armed primarily with either M44/Type 53 Mosin-Nagant carbines, or SKS rifles of one variety or another. These guns were wise choices in a sense, allowing the lightly armed militia to engage prospective enemies from a longer range, as well as removing the capacity for automatic fire, which, in the hands of reasonably ill-supplied and possibly panicky militia, could have resulted in wastage of precious ammunition. Pictures exist showing militia armed with PPSh or PPS submachine guns, but these are predominantly seen on parades, or at propaganda shoots.

At the heavier end of their arsenal, militia were entrusted with the use of medium and heavy machine guns, likely for low level air defence. Such weapons were often concealed in small fortifications in the hills and mountains, emplaced on factory rooftops, or else tucked under trees at the edge of farm fields. Though useless against fast jet aircraft of the day, they would have made it difficult for helicopters to make progress, in much the same way as similar weaponry did during the Vietnam war. 

The very heaviest weapons entrusted to the village militia were anti-aircraft autocannons. These generally ranged from quad-mount 14.5mm KPV guns (Soviet ZPU-4, or Chinese Type 56) all the way up to 57mm AZP S60 autocannons. Drills were carried out with these weapons, but they were seldom live fired. It should be noted that such weapons were also manned by the UPSh (on dedicated military bases) and the FPV (generally in urban areas, or as part of dedicated defences). 

The militia were also trained with Soviet- or Chinese-made recoilless rifles and light mortars, although these were generally stored at UPSh depots, and not, unlike other militia equipment, stored in villages themselves. 

In general, militia weaponry was not stored at the militia members' homes. Instead, they were typically stored in a central warehouse or armoury in each locality. The armoury would be overseen by a trusted local communist party member, and maintenance of the weapons would be undertaken by the militia themselves, usually after drills or target practice. 

During the chaotic years of the 1990s, these armouries would be broken into, and the weapons stolen by desperate Albanians, either to defend themselves from the bandits and criminals who were running amok, or, to sell on in an attempt to make money. Many would later show up in other countries, particularly in the former Yugoslavia, and this was, as mentioned previously, a reason for the EU and NATO mandating that Albania destroyed its stockpiles of surplus weaponry. 

No record of militia numbers exists, but it is probable that almost every village in Albania would have had some sort of militia contingent. Likewise, we know nothing of their organisation. Each unit would probably have had no real ranks, but may have had a leader in the form of a local communist party member, as well as some kind of minor political officer. Propaganda footage exists of militia members being read pages from the state newspaper, Zeri I popullit, so one can surmise some degree of political education/indoctrination took place.  

Rininë e Shkollës së Armatosur, the Armed School Youth 

Militarisation of Albania in the communist years was almost total, and despite never being engaged in any recognised conflict with any of its neighbours during its nearly 50 year history, every aspect of Albanian society would be turned to watchfulness, paranoia, and national defence. 

Not even schools would escape militarisation, as the Rininë e Shkollës së Armatosur, [Armed School Youth] were founded to provide early defence instruction to children aged 8 to 14. This cohort corresponded to the age bracket for the 'Pioneers of Enver' youth movement, a typical communist young pioneer movement that operated within Albanian schools, and was overseen by the BPRSh (the youth wing of the Albanian communist party, the PPSh - not to be confused with the similarly named submachine gun). 

The RSHA were generally concerned with the teaching of firearms practice, physical training, and outdoorsmanship to Albanian youth. Members were also taught how to manufacture and install simple traps, including - among other things - sharpened iron spikes, which would be attached to treetops, supposedly to impale descending paratroopers.

The value of the general training offered by the RSHA is debatable, although it did provide a strong ethos of marksmanship, and on the few occasions where Albanian athletes competed abroad during the communist era (generally at various Comecon tournaments) the country was always well represented, and successful in shooting disciplines. 

The RSHA sometimes featured in state parades, for which they were occasionally issued with dedicated uniforms. These varied, but the most distinct variant appears to be a version of the UPSh's M.61 uniform, differentiated by the initials 'RSHA' on the chest. 

In terms of weaponry, the RSHA were generally trained with long arms, predominantly Mosin-Nagant and SKS carbines. During parades, they were often equipped with PPS submachine guns, likely because these were readily available. 

In times of war, the RSHA were expected to integrate with local militia units, although it is likely that only older members would have directly been issued arms. Younger members would probably have served as scouts, spotters, or helped with laying traps or light logistical duties. As perverse as it seems to involve children in war, in communist Albania's paranoid and defensive mindset, everyone who could help defend the homeland would have had to.

Bashkimi i Rinisë së Punës së Shqipërisë, the Labour Youth Union of Albania. 

The BRPSh, while not a specific military or militia formation, deserves mention for the sheer presence it exerted through Albanian life, and, by extension, Albanian defense. It was officially described as the "greatest revolutionary force of inexhaustible strength" and a "strong fighting reserve of the party" and the main preoccupation of the organisation was continuing the 'political socialisation' started by youth organisations like the Pioneers of Enver (which were under the auspices of the BRPSh in any case). 

The BRPSh was the PPSh's (Partia e Punës e Shqipërisë, [Labour Party of Albania]) youth wing, and considered one of its most vital organs. Membership was from the ages of 15 to 25, and generally speaking, members of the Pioneers of Enver school movement would rotate directly into membership of the BRPSh's young adult branch upon turning 15. At its height, the BRPSh had over 200,000 members across Albania, nearly a tenth of the overall population. 

From 1961 onward, with the start of the period of Sino-Albanian cooperation, Albania sought to emulate the goals of China's great leap forward, in a fashion. China had made great use of its vast population to overcome its technology-poor state, and essentially fast-forward the journey towards an industrial revolution. Albania sought to do the same, with one key problem: its population was the scantest fraction of China's. Where China could simply forcibly direct thousands of people at a given project, Albania could not. Therefore, it needed obedient, hard working, and easily transported sources of labour, and these would come primarily from the army and the BRPSh. As early as 1947, members of the BRPSh were used to construct state infrastructure, particularly railways, something that the BRPSh would continue to be involved with in later years. They were also used to help build housing and factories, bunkers and military installations, as well as being drafted to help with harvests and disaster relief. 

Members of the youth labour union involved in infrastructure projects worked long hours in poor conditions, without safety equipment, often barefoot to save wearing out their valuable shoes, and using simple hand tools. Albania desperately needed infrastructure, but lacked both the funding and mechanisation to make those a reality, instead relying on levies of loyal (or occasionally 'convinced') workers to undertake these projects. Youth Labour Union work parties were only periodically assisted by heavy machinery, often a single antediluvian tractor or excavator. Such endeavours were usually surrounded by much propaganda and celebration, and units of youths rode aboard trucks or marched to work on innumerable state infrastructure projects under red flags and banners covered with party slogans.

In a military sense, the BRPSh did not have an armed wing. However, its members were integrated into the military and militia apparatus in parallel to their membership of the Youth Labour Union. It is not uncommon to see younger militia members or FVP trainees wearing BRPSh scarves. 

Members of the BRPSh had no standardised uniform, and generally wore their own clothing, with the exception of the distinctive white and blue scarf. This was usually worn around the neck, but could also be worn as a kerchief or bandana. Every member of the BRPSh possessed one, and it was a mark of pride for them. The scarf was emblazoned with patriotic slogans, the organisation's name, and its symbol: the pick and rifle, symbolising work and defence. 

- Matt